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Im NOT running for Pres![]()
As “Beasts of England” posted: “Four years to the day after she let four people get killed in Benghazi - and blamed it on a YouTube video -- an unknown guy with a YouTube video has ended her political career. Booyah.”
http://cesrusc.org/election/
Trump 47.7
Clinton 41.0
This is a new high for Trump in this poll. Previous high was 47.4, set on 7/27 and matched on 9/15.
To many Democrats, the biggest surprise is that Donald Trump has mounted a comeback. Despite being battered all summer by his own missteps as well as a barrage of attack ads from Clinton, the Republican nominee has been surging in the battleground states.
Public polls over the past week show Trump leading Clinton in Ohio, Florida and Iowa; moving into a virtual tie with her in Nevada and North Carolina; and cutting into what had been comfortable Clinton leads in New Hampshire as well as in Colorado, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Virginia.
Three debates. That's all that matters now.
No one likes her, so the only chance is for social media to make everyone like him less...
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"Trump Surge Continues As Latest LA Times Poll Reveals Millennials Aren't Hillary's Only Problem"
http://www.zerohedge.com/news/2016-...olls-reveals-millennials-arent-hillarys-only-
"Yesterday, we highlighted Hillary's growing "Millennial Problem" pointing out that her support among young voters seemingly collapsed at the same time she took her 9/11 "stumble" off the sidewalk (see: "Hillary's Growing "Millennial Problem" Forces A Reset"). In fact, the collapse is reflected in the Real Clear Politics average of national polls, which shows Clinton's lead has now been reduced to the smallest margin since the DNC.
And, as we mentioned yesterday, the LA Times poll confirms a Trump surge with Millennial voters.
But perhaps evening more shocking is the Trump surge among black voters. After polling at basically 0% for the past several months, the latest data suggests that Trump has surged to over 20% as Hillary has tanked."
Three debates. That's all that matters now.
How incredibly embarrassing for the other candidates. Trump is in a dead heat with someone whom no one likes.
Robert W. Merry...
But Trump actually can win, despite his gaffe-prone ways and his poor standing in the polls as the general-election campaign gets under way. I say this based upon my thesis, explored in my latest book (Where They Stand: The American Presidents in the Eyes of Voters and Historians), that presidential elections are largely referendums on the incumbent or incumbent party. If the incumbent’s record is adjudged by the electorate to be exemplary, it doesn’t matter who the challenger is or what he or she says or does. The incumbent wins. If that record is perceived as unacceptable, then again it doesn’t much matter who the challenger is or what he or she says or does. The incumbent or incumbent party loses.
We can never know what the electorate will do until it goes to the polls and unlocks the secret of its collective sentiment. But some political scientists have sought to parse the referendum concept through analytical frameworks that lay bare the essence of voters’ presidential decisionmaking. Of these, the most compelling was put forth by Allan J. Lichtman and Ken DeCell in their 1990 book, The 13 Keys to the Presidency. Lichtman and DeCell reject the notion that the electorate renders its presidential decisions based upon such things as negative ads, clever slogans, fund-raising disparities, campaign gaffes, or big-name endorsements. They believe, rather, that the voters, exercising their collective franchise, bring sound judgment to the task of choosing their leaders, that their decisions are based on big-picture considerations and not trivia, and that the country’s referendum guidance system has remained consistent through the country’s presidential history.
In this view, we have been looking in the wrong places as we assess the campaign. Instead of focusing on Trump and Democrat Hillary Clinton, we should be looking at the presidential performance of Barack Obama—and not his overall tenure but specifically his second-term record. Therein lie, in the Lichtman-DeCell framework, the levers of electoral outcomes.
The authors identify 13 “keys,’’ or fundamental analytical statements, that illuminate the political standing of the party in power. Assessing each presidential election since Lincoln’s 1860 victory, they note that when five or fewer of these statements prove false, the voters side with the incumbent. When six or more are false, the incumbent party gets tossed out. This analytical matrix seeks to apply to politics a set of “pattern recognition’’ algorithms designed to illuminate the politics of today by discerning patterns of circumstance that have guided the country’s political path through history.
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